Navigating the Path to Europe: How Social Media Shapes Irregular Migration Decisions Among Kurdish Youth

Migration from the Kurdistan Region is not a new phenomenon. Across generations, people have attempted to reach Europe, with each group utilizing distinct methods and routes to reach their intended destinations. The introduction and expansion of internet infrastructure in the Kurdistan Region have led to a substantial annual rise in the number of internet users. According to statistics from the Kurdistan Regional Government’s (KRG) Information Technology Department, only 335,750 people in the region were connected to the internet in 2010. By 2020, however, this number had surged to 3 million users (Rudaw, 2021). This growth mirrors a global trend, where approximately 92% of internet users actively engage with various social media platforms (Harris et al., 2015). Over the past decade, social media use in the Kurdistan Region has grown substantially. Generally, these platforms serve multiple purposes: maintaining communication with friends and acquaintances, filling leisure time, accessing news and information, discovering trending topics, staying informed about current events, and following the lives of friends and public figures (Datareportal, 2022). Considering the high number of social media users in the Kurdistan Region and the diverse ways these platforms are utilized, it is reasonable to suggest that social media may contribute to shaping perceptions of migration and potentially influence young people's decisions to migrate.

1.1 RESEARCH PROBLEM

Every year, a considerable portion of young individuals from the Kurdistan Region choose to migrate irregularly to Europe. Existing data indicates that this number is steadily on the rise. Considering this development, this study intends to explore the following research questions:

1. To what extent does social media influence the decision-making process of irregular migration among youth in the Kurdistan Region?

2. Does the portrayal of Europe on social media reflect its reality, or is it an idealized and potentially misleading image?

3. Do the young people who decide to migrate irregularly have an accurate understanding of life in Europe and how their lifestyles may change?

4. What are the living conditions of refugees in Europe, and to what extent are they satisfied with their lives?

1.2 RESEARCH SIGNIFICANCE

This research highlights the influence of social media in shaping the perceptions and expectations of youth regarding irregular migration. It examines whether the image of Europe formed through social media is reflective of reality and how it affects decision-making among young people. As such, the findings are valuable in setting realistic expectations before migration decisions are made. The findings are especially important for young people, as will enable them to think about the ramifications of their behavior and may make them think twice about the idealized online depictions found on social media. Additionally, the study provides key lessons for the role of government and nongovernmental organizations in the area of migration and irregular migration. These results will be employed to create more successful awareness campaigns and provide a less biased view of European life on social media, helping young people make more knowledgeable and informed decisions.

1.3 Research Objectives

The main focus of this study is to explore the perceptions and mental images regarding Europe held by young people in the Kurdistan Region before they decide to migrate through irregular channels. This understanding can be further enriched by exploring the role social media plays in influencing these perceptions. Additionally, the study aims to depict the realities of refugee life during migration, including associated dangers. Finally, it seeks to compare the actual experiences of Kurds in Europe with the expectations held by people in Kurdistan. This contrast is designed to enable young people to develop a more open understanding and make more informed decisions when considering irregular migration.

1.4 Scope of Research

? Location: The Kurdistan Region of Iraq and European countries where Kurdish refugees reside.

? Timeframe: October and November of the year 2021.

1.5 Population and Sampling

Building on the above discussion, because of the multidimensionality of the social context, the use of a multi-method approach is pursued to present ideal-typical and real pictures of Europe among young Kurdish people. a convenience sampling technique, a commonly used non-probability method in social research. This approach is well-suited for reaching individuals who are accessible, particularly through online platforms. In a non-probability sampling technique, the researcher selects a sample based on proximity and accessibility within a short amount of time. In this method, people participate in the survey voluntarily (Nikolopoulou, 2022).

1.6 Definition of Key Concepts

1.6.1 Irregular Migration

Irregular migration can be defined as the movement of people from one geographical area to another to achieve either temporary or permanent settlement without legal authorization (Omar, 2021). It refers to the migration of individuals from their home countries to another country where they illegally or through smuggling (Ezegwu, 2020). The causes of irregular migration vary from person to person but generally include economic, social, political, and environmental factors (LIRS, 2021). help clarify the directions and motives of migration:

1. Push factors such as war, poverty, and lack of security force individuals to leave their home countries.
2. Pull factors include the attraction to better living conditions or opportunities in the destination country (Jessica, 2018).

1.6.2 Forced Migration in Kurdistan

The Kurds, like any other nation or ethnic group in the world, have experienced forced migration as a result of various sociopolitical conditions (Saeed et al., 2025). In certain instances, this migration was voluntary and driven by a need to relocate due to economic difficulties, geographic limitations, or natural disasters. On other occasions, forced migration was a consequence of warfare, occupation, or political repression (Ahmed et al., 2025). Over time, migration has taken on new meanings and implications, as it has become a significant social phenomenon with increasing numbers of young people, particularly those aged 15 to 25, moving out of Kurdistan due to a lack of opportunities and political instability. (Hassan, 2022; Abdula et al., 2025). Migration in Kurdistan, once characterized by a sense of nationalism and a struggle for freedom and independence, has evolved (Salih, 2021; and Hameed et al., 2025). After the formation of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), the nature of migration began to shift, largely due to political instability, insecurity, and discontent with governance (Ahmed et al., 2025). After the liberation of Iraq and the subsequent economic crisis, migration took on a new form. Unemployment, dissatisfaction with political leadership, and the desire for a better future overseas have increasingly fuelled migration. Young people, often facing unemployment and poor prospects, view migration as an opportunity to improve their living standards. They are motivated by aspirations of new possibilities and better futures, despite the challenges they face in finding sustainable means of livelihood. (Hassan, 2022). According to a report by the Kurdistan Region Statistics Office and the Central Statistics Agency of Iraq, in collaboration with UNHCR, the desire for migration is high, with 54.4% of the population in Kurdistan expressing interest in moving abroad due to the hardships of life in the region. This marks an increase in migration rates, which have risen by 40% in both Kurdistan and Iraq (Nas News, 2022).

1.6.3 Social Media

In the second half of the 1990s, a new form of electronic communication emerged, which was based on global media and computer communication networks (Castells, 1383: 422). The World Wide Web became a comprehensive tool for managing connections and utilizing information over the Internet (Salih et al., 2019). In the Web 2.0 era, the nature of connections shifted from one-way information delivery to interactive communication, enabling text messaging, chatting, audio and video exchanges, file sharing, and voice calls. (Abdulrahman, 1395: 15). Social media is a modern electronic platform that enables users to engage, form groups, and communicate with one another (Yaqub, 2025; Mohammed et al., 2025). These platforms facilitate interaction and the exchange of information, allowing individuals to participate in discussions, share content, and develop community-driven initiatives (Salih., et al 2025). Therefore, social media can be described as a powerful technology that assists in the creation, sharing, and dissemination of information, thoughts, and ideas via digital networks and online communities (Jan H and Hermkens, 2011).

1.7 The Impact of Social Media on Decision-Making

In an era of Web 2.0, social media has become an indispensable part of our everyday lives, playing an essential role in many aspects, such as acquiring information, connecting with peers, and utilizing other services. Several communication theories have examined the impact of social media on decision-making (Salih, 2018; Omar et al., 2025). One major theoretical framework is Media Richness Theory, which proposes that richer media contexts lead to greater effectiveness in the communication process between people (Sirwan et al., 2025). "It is argued that the richer the communication medium, the more accurate a decision is likely to be, as richer media can convey more information subtly" (Daft & Lengel, 1986, p. 853). In the age of social media, communication offers greater immediacy and personalization; messages can reach individuals much more directly. This often leads to a faster and more powerful decision-making process (Hamasalih et al., 2025). Another relevant theory concerning social media and decision-making is crowd behavior theory, which holds that individuals in a crowd may behave differently than they would individually, feeling disconnected from real consequences and following the actions of the "herd." Social media can facilitate the formation and spread of such crowd behavior, where the impact of decisions on individuals is influenced by mass opinion and social influence (Power & Wren, 2011). Conformity theory is also pertinent, positing that people adapt their thoughts, feelings, and actions to those of the groups they are members of or wish to join. According to this theory, social media can make conformity easier by creating online communities and networks where individuals may feel pressured to align with popular opinions (Bernheim, 1994; Palani et al., 2025). There are many significant examples of social media's impact on collective decision-making. For instance, social networking sites like Facebook and YouTube played a substantial role in mobilizing people during the Arab Spring protests in 2011 (saeed et al., 2025). While not the only medium, social networking services (SNS) were instrumental in these mobilizations and continue to influence decisions and actions in various contexts (Sankaran, 2011; Kirkpatrick, 2011). Social media also proved to be an influential tool in shaping voters’ decisions in the 2011 US general election, where campaigns strategically used these networks to sway public opinion and predict election outcomes (El Nasser, 2011). Furthermore, during the Belarus migration crisis, Facebook's parent company, Meta, was implicated in the spread of misinformation on its platform. Such circumstances reportedly led to an increase in attempts by Belarusians to flee to Europe, driven by fake news circulating on the platform (Hameed et al., 2025). This situation illustrates how social media can influence migration choices among young people (Voice of America, 2022). These are just a few examples demonstrating the significant weight social media carries in decision-making processes related to both migration and political actions (Yaqub, 2024).

2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

Everett Rogers’ Diffusion of Innovations Theory provides the framework for analyzing the data in the present study (Harun et al., 2025). According to this theory, diffusion is a process by which an innovation is communicated through certain channels over time among the members of a social system. Diffusion occurs as individuals communicate the innovation, leading to its adoption by some members of the social system and resulting in certain effects (Rogers, 2003). The "innovation" under investigation in this paper is the use of social media concerning both decision-making about migration and the dissemination of information about Europe. In this context, diffusion refers to the communication of new technologies and ideas via social media, where individuals engage in discussions to share new information that influences their intention to migrate (Hamasalih et al., 2025). Rogers explains that the diffusion of an innovation itself typically consists of five stages that influence an individual's decision-making process regarding that innovation:

Knowledge—An individual is exposed to the innovation's existence and gains some understanding of how it functions.

Persuasion—The individual forms a favorable or unfavourable attitude toward innovation.

Decision—The individual engages in activities that lead to a choice to adopt or reject the innovation.

Implementation The individual puts the new idea into use.

Confirmation—The individual seeks reinforcement for innovation-decision already made or reverses a previous decision if exposed to conflicting messages about the innovation.

These stages can culminate in a decision about migration, where individuals use social media for conversation, discussion, and information gathering to help them decide in favor of. This is a dynamic process where communication and feedback individuals' decisions. This theoretical approach is useful for understanding the role new media, in general, and social media, in particular, play in decision-making related to migration and information sharing (Yaqub, 2024). In this study's approach, the diffusion process begins with a phase where individuals in the Kurdistan Region search for information about Europe and potential travel routes using social media. Subsequently, as an individual develops an interest, they actively relevant information, often through social media pages or by connecting with people who can offer insights into life in Europe and the practicalities of travel. is followed by the decision phase, during which the individual considers the course of action, weighing its pros and cons (Aivas et al., 2025). As Gryniewicz notes, "This is where their decision at this point." Rogers considers this stage particularly critical: the individual, having gathered necessary information, then makes a decision. The next step is the implementation phase, where the person may be encouraged to carry out the decision, which can involve planning the move. The final stage is confirmation, involving an evaluation of whether the decision has been successful or not. This framework leads to the central question of this study: Does the information that individuals in the Kurdistan Region receive via social media influence their decision-making process regarding migration? Moreover, once individuals reach the decision-making phase, do they carefully weigh the benefits and risks to determine if their choice is correct or flawed? 

METHODOLOGY

Given the diversity of the study population comprising three distinct groups: Facebook users in the Kurdistan Region, Kurds in Europe who use Facebook, and Kurdish citizens who have migrated to Europe three different methodologies were employed to collect data from each group (Aziz et al., 2025). This approach facilitates a comparative analysis aimed at demonstrating the existing desire for migration to European countries among Kurdish youth, followed by a comparison with the actual situation to verify these aspirations. To gather insights into the social media behavior of individuals residing in the Kurdistan Region, a survey method was utilized. This involved creating an electronic survey using Google Forms, which was then distributed to the sample group. Additionally, participant observation was another analytical strategy pursued in this study. In this instance, the researcher followed a group of young men who had already decided to migrate and were in the process of to Europe. In this approach, the investigator "becomes part of the social environment being studied" (University of Toronto, 2019). This method is unique as it allows the researcher to experience events firsthand while simultaneously reflecting on them externally. This involves engaging in "the action and the action among participants, following along in documentation with what the participants are doing, saying, and observing," which provides a more in-depth understanding of the participants' actions and lived experiences (Aladin, 2021). For example, the researcher traveled to France on October 6, 2021, and spent one month (October 6, 2021 November 6, 2021) observing and interacting with Kurdish migrants from the Kurdistan Region in France (Yaqub, 2022). Another approach utilized in this study is netnography, an ethnographic research method focused on studying people and communities in digital/online spaces. This method is particularly advantageous as it offers relatively simple access to data without significant disruption (Ahmad et al., 2024). Through netnography, the researcher can examine symbols, meanings, and references within a digital context, leading to the accumulation of valuable textual data (Kozinets, 2002, p. 1). This research methodology has gained increasing importance with the widespread use of the internet, creating new possibilities for understanding how online communities interact and communicate and providing researchers with new tools to observe and analyze behaviors. In this manner, individuals can express their opinions and ideas, particularly on social media, and these texts are of high interest to researchers (Heinonen & Medberg, 2018, pp. 4-5).

4. DATA ANALYSIS

4.1 The Impact of Social Media on Migration Decisions to Europe in the Kurdistan Region

To assess the effect of social media on users in the Kurdistan Region regarding migration decisions, 300 online surveys were initially planned and developed using Google Forms. Data collection was conducted through convenience sampling, targeting respondents who were readily accessible and currently available. The survey was distributed to individuals who could access it and were deemed likely to provide pertinent information. Ultimately, 222 completed questionnaires were collected and subsequently analyzed.

Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of the Research Sample

Table 2. Source of Information About Life in Europe

In response to this question, the survey participants could provide more than one answer. The findings indicate that a large number of people use social media to learn about European life. This finding reflects the influence of social media as a significant means of communication in society, with individuals actively using it to acquire information. Furthermore, the results showed that 29.8% of the participants obtain information about life in Europe through family members, while 21% rely on information from their friends and peers.

Table 3. Social Media's Portrayal of Europe: Kurdish Citizens' Views

As shown in Table 3, most individuals have obtained their information about Europe primarily through social media. They generally perceive European countries as desirable places to live and believe that there are abundant job opportunities available there. However, a smaller proportion has also encountered a different narrative on social media, one that highlights the difficulties of life in Europe and the challenges of integration faced by refugees.

Table 4. Citizens’ Justifications for Irregular Migration

As shown in Table 4, although the proportion of individuals who have not seriously considered migrating to Europe is higher, the desire to do so remains significant. Specifically, 41.9% of participants indicated that they have considered migrating to Europe through irregular means. The findings reveal that many young individuals within Kurdish society are contemplating irregular migration and are likely to pursue it.

Table 5. The Level of Fear Regarding Irregular Migration Routes

As shown in Table 5, many citizens are aware that migrating to Europe involves significant risks and may lead to considerable hardship. However, despite this awareness, the proportion of those who still express a desire to migrate remains high. Many believe that migration to Europe will improve their quality of life and provide better employment opportunities refer back to Table 3 for comparison.

Table 6. Life of Migrants after Moving to Europe

 As shown in Table 6, many participants believe that their lives would improve if they migrated to Europe. Specifically, 10.8% stated that their lives would become significantly better, while 33.8% believed their lives would improve to some extent. In total, 44.6% of respondents held a positive outlook regarding life in Europe. Meanwhile, another 44.6% were uncertain about whether life in Europe would be better or worse. Only 10.8% believed that life would worsen after migrating, and notably, no participant believed that life in Europe would become significantly worse.

Table 7. Reasons for Migrating to Europe

In identifying the reasons for migration, respondents could select more than one factor, resulting in a total of 459 responses. The data indicates that the pursuit of employment opportunities is a primary motivation for young people from the Kurdistan Region considering migration to Europe. Specifically, 66.2% of the 222 participants (147 individuals) cited the availability of job opportunities as a reason, highlighting the perception that prospects are more abundant in Europe compared to the perceived lack of employment in their home region, which acts as a key driver of irregular migration. Following employment, freedom in Europe was the second most frequently cited reason, mentioned by 51.4% of participants (114 individuals). Other significant factors were included. 32.4% of participants (72 individuals) cited the receipt of social benefits, which they equated with social systems and welfare support. The availability of better services and perceived happiness in Europe (quality of life) were mentioned by 28.4% of participants (63 individuals). Other miscellaneous reasons were also cited by 28.4% of participants (63 individuals).

Table 8. The Tasks Irregular Migrants in the Region Are Willing to Do in Europe

In this section as well, respondents selected more than one option; however, the data reveals that many of those who wish to migrate to Europe and start a better life are unwilling to engage in low-skilled or manual labor such as car washing, hairdressing, domestic service, or construction work. Interestingly, only a small proportion—6.8%—expressed a desire to rely solely on social welfare without working. In contrast, the majority of participants (49.6%) indicated that they would prefer to pursue careers or occupations of their own choice.

Table 9. General Opinions of Citizens on Social Media and Migration Preferences

As illustrated in Table 9, a significant portion of participants—44.5% (Very High)—believe that social media is a primary driving factor behind their decision to migrate. A larger group—48.6% (high)—acknowledges that social media exerts some influence, although they also consider other strong factors in their decision-making. Only 6.7% (low) of respondents stated that social media has no impact on their migration decisions (Rahman et al., 2025). Concurrently, many participants expressed skepticism regarding the reliability of information about life in Europe shared on social media. Specifically, 40.5% believe such information to be inaccurate, while 54% consider it only partially true. A mere 5.4% trust this information as fully accurate and reliable. Furthermore, respondents widely believe that individuals who have migrated to Europe do not portray the complete reality of their lives on social media. A total of 55.4% perceive that migrants do not show their actual living conditions and predominantly post positive or idealized images. An additional 36.4% believe that migrants selectively display some aspects of reality. In contrast, only 8.1% believe that migrants accurately represent their real lives on social media (Rasul et al., 2025). Overall, concerning the direct influence of social media on the desire to migrate, 27.0% of participants stated that social media directly inspired this desire (very high). Another 43.2% believed it contributed to that desire to some extent (high), while 29.7% claimed that social media had little or no influence on their tendency to migrate (low). Accordingly, although much of the information circulated on social media is not deemed trustworthy by many respondents, its persuasive and decision-shaping influence particularly within the framework of crowd behavior theory appears to indirectly affect individuals. This suggests that the dominant narratives on social media can still influence people even when they don't fully trust the information. When it comes to acquiring information about smuggling routes to Europe, participants rely less on social media. Specifically, 43.2% do not obtain such information from social media at all, while 37.8% identify it somewhat useful but not as a primary source. Only 18.9% rely entirely on social media for detailed information regarding illegal migration routes to Europe (Rawat et al., 2025). As emphasized by the diffusion of innovations theory, the stages of awareness, persuasion, and decision-making play a central role. Typically, people make migration decisions in the later stages of this process. Based on the findings presented, it is evident that social media is key to influencing perceptions and providing information about Europe and migration. Particularly during the persuasion stage, a substantial number of respondents appear to have developed a desire to migrate to Europe as a result of social media influence, which, in turn, prepares them for the decision-making stage—to either proceed with migration or reject it.

4.2 The Status of Refugees in the Implementation Stage of the Migration Decision

According to Diffusion of Innovations Theory, the implementation phase follows knowledge, persuasion, and decision stages. To explore the situation of refugees during this phase, a study was conducted over the course of one month, from October 6 to November 6, 2021. This approach involved using convenience sampling for observing and interviewing refugees from the Kurdistan Region. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 15 participants in the Dunkirk Jungle (France). The key findings from this part of the study were as follows:

Age Demographics: The majority of the camp's population was between 15 and 25 years old. Additionally, several families with children were present, along with some individuals aged 35 to 50 years.

Origins: While a small number of migrants were from other European and North African nations, the majority in the Dunkirk Jungle were from regions including Kurdistan, seeking a new life in the UK.

Migration Pathways (Migratory Routes): Migrants often choose unsafe and unofficial routes for migration and relocation, despite reporting significant fear and encountering stories on social media about the risks and fatalities associated with such journeys.

Lack of Opportunities: The departure points or transit locations often offered no jobs or prospects for an economic future. Many refugees in this situation had histories of migration, suggesting economic precarity and a perceived lack of future in their home regions.

Lack of Trust: A lack of trust in the ruling Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) was another key push factor in people’s decisions to leave, alongside uncertainty about security, safety, and the future. Even for those who had been relatively stable economically, political instability and insecurity in the region were major concerns.

Frustration and Idealization: Migrants often fantasized about the dream of a better life that the UK seemed to offer, sometimes without a clear image of the stark realities they might encounter upon arrival.

Media Influence: Several refugees were influenced by images and videos shared on social media depicting the lives of other young migrants. Some refugees even pictured themselves reaching these destinations, inspired by romanticized tales circulated on social media.

Ease of Access to Support Networks: Being able to connect with support networks, such as family and friends already residing in the UK, helped reduce perceived barriers to migration and made the journey seem more attainable.

Sunk Costs and Commitment to destinations: The significant financial expenditure, coupled with the exhaustion and hardship endured in reaching France, acted as a strong deterrent against returning. Instead, these "sunk costs" reinforced their determination to continue their journey toward their ultimate goal, the UK.

Political Instability: Political problems and a crackdown on freedoms in certain areas of the Kurdistan Region were identified as key factors in the migration decisions of some refugees. These factors created an environment where many felt that leaving was their only viable option for a better future. As a result, the desire for stability and opportunity propelled them forward, despite the numerous challenges they faced along the way.

4.3 The Ongoing Status of Kurdish Refugees in Europe:

To understand this later stage and the situation of Kurdish refugees in Europe, a netnographic method was employed. This approach allowed for an in-depth exploration of their experiences, as well as the social dynamics within Kurdish communities. By analyzing online discussions and interactions, insights were gathered regarding their challenges, aspirations, and the support networks that have emerged in their new environments. These insights reveal not only the resilience of Kurdish refugees but also the complexities they face in navigating their identities and integrating into European societies. Furthermore, the findings highlight the critical role of community support and cultural preservation in fostering a sense of belonging among these individuals. The study yielded the following findings:

4.3.1 Occupations of Kurdish Refugees in Europe

To address this question, the researchers distributed a survey in a graphical format across several Facebook pages dedicated to refugees. One such page was "Kurdish Refugees of Tarawa and Sayd Hawramy" (Fig. 1). The analysis revealed that many Kurdish refugees have taken on various occupations, often in sectors such as agriculture, construction, and hospitality, which are accessible to individuals with limited language skills. Additionally, some have pursued entrepreneurial ventures, establishing small businesses that not only support their families but also contribute to the local economy and foster community ties. These efforts enhance their economic stability and help integrate them into the local culture, creating a richer, more diverse community. As these refugees navigate their new lives, they often share their experiences and successes on social media, inspiring others and raising awareness about the challenges they face.

Fig 1. A Facebook survey post, specifically designed and distributed by the researchers for this study, used to gather data on the occupations of Kurdish refugees in Europe.

Fig. 1 shows a man working in a workshop, with the overlaid Kurdish text asking, "What is your job in Europe?” This survey was posted by the researchers on Facebook pages such as "Kurdish Refugees." The survey aims to gather information about the employment experiences of Kurdish refugees in Europe, offering helpful perspectives on their integration and challenges faced in the workforce. By participating, individuals can share their stories and contribute to a deeper understanding of the community's needs and aspirations. A total of 868 Kurdish refugees in Europe responded to the survey conducted on Facebook. Of these, 594 provided valid responses in the comments section, while 274 were excluded because they either failed to answer the question properly or were considered irrelevant. The results of this survey concerning occupations are summarized in Table 10 below.

Table 10. Occupations of Kurdish Refugees in Europe

As shown in Table 10, the primary occupations reported by Kurdish refugees in Europe are often entry-level positions, such as those in car repair, construction, food service, restaurants, and pizza delivery. Based on the survey, these represent the primary types of employment among Kurds living in Europe. A significant percentage also reported being unemployed. It remains unclear, based on this data, whether they benefit from social support systems. However, it is noteworthy that a majority of individuals in Kurdistan who have not yet decided to emigrate indicate a readiness to accept such jobs in Europe. The subsequent section (referring to "Image 8" in the original, which needs to be integrated or properly referenced if it's a table/figure) suggests that for many Kurds, these occupations are perceived as basic and accessible, and they often also express satisfaction with the support found via social media.

4.3.2 Contentment with Life in Europe and Perceived Correctness of Migration Decision

In what is known as the final stage of diffusion theory, the confirmation stage, individuals evaluate and reflect on the decisions they have made. To understand whether Kurdish migrants felt their decision to move to Europe was correct, an illustrative case involving an online discussion initiated by a Kurdish woman living in Europe was examined. The discussion revealed a range of emotions and experiences, highlighting both the challenges and benefits of their migration journey. Many participants shared stories of resilience and adaptation, ultimately expressing a sense of gratitude for the opportunities they found in Europe despite the difficulties faced along the way. Jilan, a Kurdish woman living in Europe, posted a question in the Facebook group "Kurdish Families in Europe," asking, "Hi, everyone, I have a question. Can I have your opinion? People ask, “If life in Europe is not suitable, why do they not return to their home country if they are serious?”  Fig. 2.

Fig. 2. Screenshot of a Facebook post by Jilan B. Salih within the "Kurdish Families in Europe" group. This post, observed and selected by the researchers as part of the netnographic data collection, initiated a public discussion among Kurdish individuals in Europe regarding their life experiences. Jilan B. Salih's post asks for opinions on the perceived negativity surrounding life in Europe, questioning its reality and what actions might be taken. The Kurdish text translates to "Hello friends, please, a question for you too: state your opinion." Okay, these people keep saying Europe is so unpleasant, and I don't know if it's suitable for life. Well, what shouldn't they do here so they don't make the injustice right? In response to Jilan's question, 90 individuals from various European countries participated, sharing their opinions through comments. Among them, 54 people (60% of respondents) expressed satisfaction with their lives in Europe and did not regret their decision to move. In contrast, 36 people (40% of respondents) discussed the challenges of life in Europe, stating their dissatisfaction. However, they often felt unable to return to their home country, having left behind property and belongings in Kurdistan and established new lives in Europe. This feeling of being trapped between two worlds created a complex emotional landscape for many. They grappled with nostalgia for their homeland while trying to adapt to their new environments, seeking ways to reconcile their past with their present. These findings are summarized in table 11.

Table 11. Satisfaction Levels of Kurdish Migrants in Europe

As shown in Table 11, the percentage of individuals who migrated and were dissatisfied with their lives in Europe is lower than that of those who were satisfied. However, a 40% dissatisfaction rate is still considerable, especially given that these individuals moved to Europe in search of a better life. Their dissatisfaction often stems from not achieving their initial expectations or hopes.

Image 3: Screenshot of a Facebook comment by Amina Ali, responding to Jilan B Salih's post (Image 2). This comment was identified and analyzed by the researchers from the observed online discussion to illustrate the challenges faced by some Kurdish migrants in Europe. Amina Ali expresses the difficulty of returning to Kurdistan after investing significantly to reach Europe, despite facing unsuitable situations and personal circumstances. The Kurdish text translates to: "This is a serious question." Everyone has reached here through a lot of hardship and has spent money, so how can they go back?" Or there are unsuitable circumstances; my husband won't come back with me, otherwise I wouldn't stay here another month. Well, I can't just leave home and children and go back alone." The comment displays 13 likes.

Image 4 shows a screenshot of a Facebook comment made by Avan Ahmed in response to Jilan B. Salih's post (referenced as Image 2). This comment was selected by the researchers from the netnographic observation to highlight a perspective on the realities of life in Europe, including the value of human dignity. Avan Ahmed agrees that Europe is not a paradise and requires work and study. However, she highlights that, despite the hardships, one experiences a sense of humanity often lost in their home country, which she deems crucial. The Kurdish text translates to: "Her words are very true; Europe is not the paradise that people have portrayed." Indeed, if you want to live a pleasant life, you must study and work. But in return for that exhaustion and homesickness, we feel human, a feeling that has been taken away from most of us in our country, which is more important than anything else for life."